Imperial Mindset

Russian colonialism to the present day, through Prokudin-Gorsky’s early colour photography in Ukraine.

I have had far too many conversations with people in the UK in which the Russian narratives are rolled out as fact, or at least partial fact. ‘Denazification’ of their ‘brother nation’ and oppressed Russian-speaking minority, to point to three of the most common. These have all been individually and easily debunked countless times.

The reason they persist is our total lack of understanding of the context of Ukrainian, Georgian and other former Russian Empire or Soviet countries: colonialism - a centuries old habitual and cultural worldview within Russian society and its people, perpetually forced upon its neighbours.

Colonialism is a concept we associate with oppression of non-Europeans. Academics and Western society have been blinded to it by the Soviet narratives of unity and it is therefore understandably confusing for those without a deep interest in Eastern Europe and Central Asia. More recently, the ancient Russian hegemony (Ivan the Terrible, onwards) and chauvinist superiority complex has combined to create a form of fascism marked by the same traits Tsar Nicholas I codified in the early 19th Century to counter democratic revolutionary thought coming from France and the West: ‘Orthadoxy, Autocracy, Nationality’, the latter being a constructed identity drawn from folklore and racial theories.

Ukraine has always been at the forefront of resistance against this oppressive, denigrating colonisation. Georgia, similarly, with its Gurian Republic and its successful Democratic Republic of Georgia which was overthrown by overwhelming Russian Bolshevik military force and subsequent murders of an estimated 30,000 citizens. Ukraine suffered a genocide through starvation, partly caused by ‘collectivisation’ - eviction and murder of farmers perceived as wealthy and their labourers - and partly a targeted policy of starvation and cultural destruction to undermine the movement for Ukrainian independence.

None of this is a new phenomenon. In the UK and ‘The West’, the invasion is widely misunderstood as Putin’s war: it is not. It is a problem of the culture and thinking of the whole of Russia and has been for centuries. Ukraine is the clearest place to see today a whole society once again resisting the full-scale attempted imposition of hegemony and oppression, as well as the resistance in past times.

In 1905, Sergei Prokudin-Gorsky, a photographer working with a pioneering colour process, visited Kyiv in an early part of his

In the UK and the West, the words ‘colonialism’ or ‘Imperialism’ are hardly associated with Russia. These are concepts of distant places of distinctive difference: it is obvious that India is not part of Great Britain, and that slave trading or exploitation of the Congo was wrong. But the former Russian Empire or Soviet Union seems contiguous, connected by land and with an apparent gradient of culture and history (a contrived construct much celebrated in Russia) to mask the parallel abuses of colonial rule, steeped in racist chauvinism and a cultivated disconnection from its own extreme violence.

In Georgia, Ukraine and the rest of the former Empire, colonialism is at the very heart of the problem they face. It is not a secret: this neo-Imperialism is the open policy of the ‘Russkii Mir’ (Russian World) official ideology adopted by Putin and the Russian Orthadox Church, and encouraged by the population.

The fight against the threat of this externally imposed oppression, violence and control is the prime driver behind the extreme desire to join the EU and NATO. Ignorance of this ongoing colonial experience, Western people and press talk cynically of financial betterment and emigration opportunities as their motivation, something deeply patronising, offensive and wrong when understood in this context. Like Trump promising financial gain to the Kremlin, it totally misunderstands the values and histories of these societies.

Using the work of an Imperial photographer documenting his territories and its peoples, we can revisit the history of the Russian Empire and Soviet Union and compare the overt colonialism of the 16th to the 20th centuries to the present Russian obsession with cultural, ethnic and violent hegemony. Shooting in Ukraine, I will explore the ways in which the Ukrainian people have overthrown their colonial masters’ expectations Using his same early colour process, I will look the ways in which Ukraine has resisted this oppression through the ages and the ways in which it can be seen in modern life.

Both our viewpoint and that of the Russian people have been systematically distorted by the reinterpretation and curation of history and the effects of Russia’s long oppression of its neighbours. This chauvinist, revanchist, habitual and conditioned thinking has enabled thousands of Russians to take up arms willingly. In the west, we have often presented this as ‘Putin’s war’, but it is not. It is supported and enabled by a people who see the world through a different filter, one of Russian dominance as a civilising and unifying benevolent force over their backward neighbours. It is the nature of colonial Empires that they result from decentralised ideology and interaction, coercion and cooperations with native people, just as was the case in the British Empire. It is this

Much has been written to support this, but the topic is necessarily long, often indigestible to the uninitiated, and frankly, from a Western point of view, is utterly baffling, stretching credulity to the point of farce. It is also desperately important that we in the West understand this.

I propose a visual method by which to succinctly encapsulate this, link the modern effects and signs of colonialism to their historic and ideological past. A photographic method makes the complexity of the issue much more accessible and opens the door to further understanding the worldview that glorifies the Ukrainians losing limbs and lives daily in the modern conflict and allows us in the West to understand why they fight so hard for an independence actively denied to them for centuries by their Russian Imperial masters. My conversations with people in the UK indicate that they have absolutely no idea why the Georgians and Ukrainians believe so strongly in the accession to the EU, a symbol of free and fair democracy, truth, respect and equality. It comes from the indignity and injustice of their own cultures taken over and defined by their subjugating neighbour for generations.

My illustration of this will use the aesthetic and methods of Prokudin-Gorsky, an Imperial Russian photographer, to flip this narrative. Using his historic imagery, a visual link to the history of colonial repression can be readily conveyed in the resulting photographs and thus shed light on the driving force of the troubles in the former colonies, from the Baltics to the Black Sea and Caucasus in a readily understood format.

Similar traits to those of Russian Imperial dominance can also be found in other authoritarian states around the world. Recognising them in Russia’s regions of abuse makes us more immune to them elsewhere.

“In Little Russia”, 1905. Putyvl, using the Imperial Russian name for Ukraine at the time. This references the colonialist theory that Ukrainians are part of an ethnic nation of Russians that is still widely expressed by modern-day Russians.

Note the rustic and exotic, Ukrainian houses framed to contrast with the bright, white Russian church of imported civilisation.

The photographer Prokudin-Gorsky (brown coat and hat) at camp on a trip to the East. Russia beyond the Urals was brought into the Empire by hard power and violent subjugation of the indigenous people. A genre of ‘Eastern’ film was later developed to reflect the ‘Western’ films of America. 

Between 1904 and 1915, Sergei Prokudin-Gorsky travelled throughout the Russian Empire. Personally sponsored by the Tsar, he created images of the latest technological and infrastructure advances of the Empire, as well as ethnological images of urban and rural life, of khans and scruffy peasant farm workers and magnificent architectural wonders.

Through a modern lens - P-G looks at the Empire with an Imperial, Russian-centred gaze and mindset. The Empire comes to the unwashed, folk-cultured people and brings them railways and Russian churches. The local cultures' dress and customs are curiosities to be recorded, examined, and studied back in Moscow and St. Petersburg.

His own writings about his project confirm this colonialist viewpoint. He wanted the images to be used for the ‘study of the fatherland’ and to ‘arouse love for the motherland, interest in studying its beauties and inexhaustible riches, without which it is unthinkable to teach truly patriotic feelings to the youth.’ He writes at length about the natural and ethnographic wonders of Russia, citing areas of modern-day Poland, Ukraine (and Crimea), the Caucasus, as well as the quaint image of ‘Lapps and Pomors work(ing) in their traditional costumes’ in the far north. The heart of Russia and its culture goes unmentioned while these acquired territories hold the country’s cultural glories.

A committed Tsarist, he fled Russia on hearing the news of the Tsar’s murder and died in exile in Paris. He left behind an extraordinary and unique legacy of over 2,000 surviving colour images of pre-Revolution Russia which are stored in the Library of Congress in the USA.

L'Eglise Orthodoxe de Saint Anne à Exeter, avec le Rév. Dr. Brandon Gallaher // Вход в храм Святой Анны в Эксетере

Brandon is a co-author of "A Declaration on the "Russian World" (Russkii Mir) Teaching", a powerful document which has attracted over 1500 signatures, many of which are from Orthadox theologians. It is published by the Volos Acadamy.

It condemns the leaders of the Russian Orthadox Church (ROC) who are promoting this nationalist ideology, particularly their use of it to encourage and justify the war in Ukraine and to create division and damage within the wider Orthadox community.

Russkii Mir is a broad ideology centred on Russia's political, cultural and moral importance especially within a transnational Russian civilisation. This geographical area is based on a reimagined Holy Rus' - a precursor nation to Russia, Ukraine and the later Empire; it also encompasses anyone who speaks Russian language, or is ethnically Russian anywhere in the world. The ideology stands in contrast to the corrupt and corrupting West and the image of its modern, liberal (im)morality. These teachings have been accepted into both Church teachings as well as Russian Foreign Policy.

Rev. Dr. Gallaher actively works to encourage ecumenical discussion between branches of Orthadoxy and interfaith dialogue, in part through his work with the Volos Foundation. He is a lecturer in Theology at the University of Exeter.
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Prokudin-Gorsky's body of work is peppered with ecclesiastical subjects: churches, monasteries, icons and relics. The Tsars maintained control of the Church by selecting bishops to a ruling Synod, in this way ensuring the Church backed the Tsar's policies.

As God's appointed representative on Earth, Orthadoxy was a fundamental pillar of the official ideology introduced by Tsar Alexander II: Orthodoxy, Autocracy, and Nationality.

As Prokudin-Gorsky's sponsor, his photographic themes were chosen to meet with the Tsar's personal approval and glorification of his imperial majesty.

რუსული ტიპები // Russian Types, Tbilisi

P-G recorded ethnographic subjects while documenting the Russian Empire. Dagestan had risen against Russian Imperial rule in 1878, and was brutally suppressed. His portraits are made about 30 years later with the eye of an Imperial visitor. The names of his subjects are not recorded - they are merely 'Types': typical examples of __.

Georgia was also part of the Russian Empire and a place P-G photographed extensively. Since the start of the war, thousands of Russians have emigrated to make new lives in Tbilisi. Foreigners settling here tread the amiguous line between being guests in the country and being modern-day imperialists themselves. This line is scrutinised ever harder for Russians who live as guests in their now-independent former Empire.

Anton works with @after_russia_org to provide a platform for Russian speaking people who are against the war to re-evaluate the Russian past and find a new post-Russia (post-Imperial) identity.

Natalie is a visual artist and animator.
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P-G himself became an émigré in Paris as he fled the violence and danger of the early Soviet Union. He died in exile.

Below: The First Russian Church in Artvin (modern day Turkey, recently acquired into the Empire); Dagestani Types

The themes of Empire

Russia’s methods of Imperial control have been generally consistent through the ages. Prokudin-Gorsky covered several of them, sometimes as deliberate themes, sometimes as incidental traits in his images. All of these have taken full force in Ukraine and are seen in Georgia.

  • Violent control of people and their home

  • Religious zealotry and intolerance

  • Elimination of ethnic groups and nations, by systematic threats and acts of violence, assimilation and absorption (the denial of cultural difference and requirement to change identity is the hallmark of Russian racism), bureaucratic methods, language control, re-evaluation of historical fact and memory and control of children’s education and cultural upbringing.

  • Political subjugation and removal of representation

  • The fiction of a benevolent mission and purpose

  • Extractive exploitation of the conquered lands

Protest in Trafalgar Square, London, on the 3rd anniversary of the full-scale invasion of Ukraine.